n Armenia, there is broader cooperation between public authorities and CSOs at the community and
regional levels, but the national government does not recognize CSOs’ expertise as something that can
contribute to the process. In Azerbaijan, independent think tanks enjoy a high regard in society, but the
extremely low level of cooperation among CSOs limits the effectiveness of civil society’s advocacy efforts. In
Georgia, CSOs and experts are labeled as supporters of one or another competing political camps, and the
government does not see them as strong partners in debates over public policy. In Kazakhstan, CSOs can
participate in government tenders and undertake research only in certain policy areas (e.g. economic policy,
environmental protection). In Kyrgyzstan, CSOs have comparatively more possibilities to influence the
current government which, although weak in its own policymaking capacity, is willing to discuss with interest
groups the key decisions influencing large numbers of the population, and plans to commission research and
consultancy assignments from suitably qualified CSOs. Certain mechanisms of consultation also exist in
Tajikistan, although policy analysis is scarce compared with academic research. In Turkmenistan and
Uzbekistan, the governments prefer to deal with organizations directly or indirectly established by the
government (known also as GONGOs) rather than to promote the participation of grass root and government
independent CSOs.