Nepal has made impressive progress in recent years in terms of human development, human rights and gender
parity, paving the way for the country to graduate out of the ranks of the world’s least developed countries by 2022.
Among its achievements, there are now fewer poor people and more people who are literate compared with the
1990s; more people have access to improved drinking water, health facilities and sanitation; and fewer infants die in
the first five years of life, while fewer women die during childbirth. There has also been an increase in the number
of employed people as well as in the share of women in non-agricultural wage work, tertiary education, in the
bureaucracy and security sector, and in the national Parliament. However, this improved level of wellbeing is
experienced unequally, and adolescent girls and young women continue to face highly discriminatory social
structures that greatly hinder their capabilities and overall wellbeing. Though gendered social norms are gradually
changing and having a more positive impact on girl’s lives, they still remain stringent for girls (Ghimire et al.,
2013), and women and girls are recognised as one of the most vulnerable groups in the country (United Nations
Country Team, 2011).
This study is part of a broader multi-country, multi-year initiative (also covering Ethiopia, Uganda and Viet Nam),
funded by the UK Department for International Development (DFID) on gender justice for adolescent girls.
Findings from the year 1 research, which focused on how and where social norms fit into girls’ lives and how they
affect their capabilities, showed that while certain social norms are changing (and some rapidly so), others remain
unchanged or ‘sticky’ (resistant to change). Of particular interest was the continuing prevalence of early marriage1
and its pivotal role in affecting other aspects of adolescent girls’ lives, particularly education.
Nepal has one of the highest rates of early marriage, at 51% (UNICEF, 2011), with girls four times more likely to
get married when they are children than boys (Amin et al., 2014). Most often, early marriage is linked both to
normative and structural factors such as poverty, lack of education, and social and religious norms and traditions
(ibid.). Furthermore, because early marriage typically means that girls no longer continue their education, it leads to
a range of other capability deprivations, including lack of employment opportunities and inability to access
individual rights (Ghimire et al., 2013).
Given this context, the year 2 research focused in depth on social norms around early marriage and how it is linked
to other norms, particularly around girls’ education. The research team returned to Doti, one of the districts in the
Far Western region of the country where the year 1 research was conducted. In year 1, Doti was selected due to its
least developed status, high levels of gender disparities, and the presence of large numbers of government and nongovernment
interventions dating back many years, among other criteria.
2
It was decided to return there for the year
2 fieldwork because of the continuing prevalence of early marriage. However, to avoid saturation, two new study
sites were selected. So, for year 2, the research was conducted in Bhumirajmadau (Salena) village development
committee (VDC) (chosen to represent a rural context) and Durgamadau (Wayal) VDC (chosen to represent a semirural
context to capture a complete picture). In each site, researchers used a set of qualitative data collection tools,
including in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, intergenerational discussions, and marriage network case
studies