This thesis examines the demographic behaviour of the Motu Koitabu people of
Hanuabada, a traditional village in Port Moresby, the capital of Papua New Guinea
(PNG) and aims to explain the reasons behind the persistence of their traditional
demographic behaviour in spite of their long exposure to modern culture. The study is
based on quantitative and qualitative data collected in Hanuabada. The main argument
of the paper is that the demographic behaviour of the Motu Koitabu are primarily
determined by interactions between family and clan, and are associated with old age
support, continuation of lineages, and strength and security of clan groups.
This ethnic group is the traditional owner of the land where Port Moresby is built and
they are not likely to leave this site and change their social and cultural arrangements
without the blessings of their clan leaders. But the economic hardships of urban living
are putting pressure on them to make adjustments. From a rational viewpoint, the
social and economic changes reshaping Hanuabada are sufficient reasons for them to
leave and settle elsewhere, yet most people want to remain in their current place of
residence. The continuation of the ‘family house’ strengthens the family unit and
increases clan support, making people continue to live in their cultural safety net.
Motu Koitabu women are increasingly completing primary education and many are
involved in informal economic activities to earn a living. Their socio-economic and
demographic parameters reflect characteristics typical of PNG women. Most women
are married, and married early. They prefer to have more children than their total
fertility rate of 3.3 indicates. Most women are still required to obtain permission from
their husbands to use family planning and those with high fertility have never used
any. Education is not a significant determinant of fertility, but women with less
income have high fertility. Motu Koitabu women experience child loss at the rate of
33 infant deaths per 1,000 live births. Child mortality decreases with increasing
income and the highest child losses are experienced by older women, who find
modernization confronting and seeking health services a challenge. Most Motu
Koitabu women in the study sample were born in their current place of residence,
Hanuabada, and about 22 percent were born either in other villages or in town/city.
These are the lifetime migrants to Hanuabada.
Given this demographic outlook, the supremacy of the cultural element over other
factors in making decisions to remain in the safety nets of the Motu Koitabu society is
well placed. Maintaining 'family house’ activities helps to keep members of the
family and clan groups together. The Motu Koitabu believe that Hanuabada is their
birthplace and rightful home where they feel safe. Moves to alternative locations, if
considered should be made in family groups to clan-oriented lands situated nearby
which would continue to foster the cultural way of life. A small minority, though do
not want to remain in Hanuabada, mainly because of the negative aspects cultural
obligations such as contributing to bride price payment and death related feast
expenses, which put pressure on individual income.
However, while the family/clan support keeps the Motu Koitabu people bound to their
current place of residence, those families that want to move out of Hanuabada because
of constrained living conditions cannot make any such move because they feel they
would not receive the necessary blessings of clan elders to make such a move.